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Russian beauty queen puts spotlight on Russia's official corruption
Her public denunciation of Russia's corruption surprised some this
week. It also coincided with one of the Kremlin's periodic efforts to
convince Russians that something is being done about it.
By
Fred Weir,
Correspondent /
November 23, 2012
Natalia Pereverzeva - a Russian beauty queen - spoke out again against endemic corruption during a contest in the Phillipines.
Aaron Favila/AP
A Russian beauty queen garnered global headlines this week
by
standing by her impassioned denunciation of the endemic corruption that
demoralizes society and saps the economic life of her homeland, made in an essay she'd written that was supposed to be about why she's proud to be a Russian.
"But my
Russia
– it is also my poor, long-suffering country, mercilessly torn to
pieces by greedy, dishonest, unbelieving people," Natalia
Pereverzeva wrote in an essay that was part of her entrance requirement
to the Miss Earth competition this week in
Manila,
Philippines.
"My
Russia – it is a great artery, from which the 'chosen' few people are
draining away its wealth. My Russia is a beggar. My Russia cannot help
her elderly and orphans. From it, bleeding, like from a sinking ship,
engineers, doctors, teachers are fleeing, because they have nothing to
live on," she wrote.
Ms. Pereverzeva's outburst was almost certainly spontaneous, based on her own personal experience and straight from the heart.
But it also happens to coincide with one of the periodic anticorruption crusades launched from
the Kremlin to convince the Russian public that something is being done to combat the official graft that by some accounts
siphons off as much as a third of Russia's gross domestic product and undermines the effectiveness of all government efforts,
from law enforcement to preparations for
the Olympic Games.
Recent
weeks have seen the fall from grace of at least one top official, as
well as the most sweeping set of allegations about official graft –
involving several government agencies – to be revealed to the public in
years. Some experts suggest that
Vladimir Putin,
now embarked on his third term as president, may be using his vast
powers and political capital to finally confront Russia's most
intractable scourge. Others argue that it's a public relations campaign
at best, or more likely a cover for political score-settling among
bureaucrats, which is traditionally the most common reason that explicit
corruption charges surface in Russia.
Whatever
the deeper political truth, the facts about everyday official graft so
far revealed are truly shocking, and they provide some hard numbers to
back up Pereverzeva's emotional assertions.
Earlier this month Russia's defense minister,
Anatoly Serdyukov, was dismissed after investigators implicated him in a massive kickback scheme that allegedly
embezzled almost $100-million through
improper sales of military-owned properties. Mr. Serdyukov has not been
charged, but several of his subordinates are facing serious criminal
allegations.
In October, Russian media reported that investigators were looking into the alleged theft of $427-million in the
preparations for September's summit of APEC (
Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation), which was hosted by Russia in the far eastern port of
Vladivostok at a mind-boggling cost of $21-billion.
Planning for the APEC summit was overseen by
First Deputy Prime Minister Igor Shuvalov,
a close protege of President Vladimir Putin, who has been implicated in corruption allegations before.
And last week the head of the presidential administration and another close Putin protege,
Sergei Ivanov, admitted that more than $200-million had been misappropriated from Russia's
ambitious Glonass space program, which
Moscow hopes will become a full-scale satellite-based Russian alternative to the
US GPS network and the
European Union's future Galileo positioning system.
"The
struggle against corruption was necessary because at some point it
became clear to the leadership that corruption is a threat not only for
the society but for authorities as well," says Kirill Kabanov, head of
the nongovernmental National Anti-Corruption Committee.
"At some
point of the development of the system it became clear that corruption
is not a cement of bureaucracy but the system that is destroying the
country. The situation has reached the boiling point. Corruption is a
deadly threat to national security... For Putin it is necessary to prove
that he controls the country. What we're seeing is not a struggle
against corruption at some lower levels, but confrontation with
corruption in specific sectors [of government]. One step leads to
another, and makes it necessary to continue. Putin doesn't like to back
off so I think he will go on with it," he adds.
But other experts are not so hopeful. Anton Pominov, research
director for the Russian branch of the international corruption watchdog
Transparency International
says it's more likely we're witnessing another bout of Russia's
interminable bureaucratic wars, which are mainly about dividing up power
and property, or perhaps a Kremlin-run public relations campaign aimed
at calming the concerns of conscientious Russians like Pereverzeva.
Most of the loudly-declared official
anticorruption drives of the past have, indeed, produced no lasting results.
"Corruption
is an institutional problem, not an interpersonal one," says Mr.
Pominov. "The public is made to believe that if someone goes to prison,
then corruption has been successfully fought. But that's not enough and,
in any case, even now we see that people at the top are not suffering,"
he adds.
"We need to see institutional changes before we start
believing it. For example, half of the military budget is secret, in
other words nobody answers for it. An institutional change would make
that more transparent, enable the public to access information and see
where the money goes... The government needs to reform the way it
works, and the public should be educated so that it can be informed and
empowered to act against corruption," he says.
In
a public opinion survey conducted by the independent Levada Center
earlier this year, corruption was named by respondents as the country's
No. 3 problem after price rises and low incomes. In the poll, 57 percent
of Russians described corruption as an inevitable evil; 26 percent said
it was less than in the disastrous decade of the 1990's while 9 percent
said it was worse.
"Putin's present campaign has nothing to do with the
struggle against corruption," argues Georgy Satarov, head of the independent
InDem Foundation, which specializes in corruption studies, and a one time Kremlin aide to former
President Boris Yeltsin.
"Putin
periodically presents himself as the arbiter in bureaucratic conflicts
and allows groups to trample one another, but the goal is to frighten
officials and keep them all in line," he says.
The basic system of
universal corruption will continue, Mr. Satarov says, because it is
fundamental to the maintenance of Kremlin power.
"We have a
saying; 'once compromised, forever controllable.' At the top they are
convinced that a corrupted subordinate will remain loyal because he is
allowed to steal, and he will always fear being exposed as a criminal or
thrown out of the feeding-trough...
"The tragedy is that this is a
false idea of stability, one that undermines the effective work of
government and brings only personal stability for those at the top."
Labels: culture, Human Relations Justice Particularities, Justice, Psychopathy, Social-Cultural Deviations